Congressional Democrats remained skeptical that any progress toward an end to the war in Ukraine would be made ahead of the meeting between President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

The high-stakes meeting in Anchorage, Alaska, comes as lawmakers have grown anxious to see an end to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and with many ready to slap a bone-breaking sanctions package on Moscow and its allies unless Putin relents.

But Democrats are not so sure that Trump will yield results in his closed-door meeting with Putin, the first between U.S. and Russian leaders since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

‘I fear this meeting could once again end with America ceding ground to an autocrat who has spent his career undermining democratic values,’ Sen. Mark Warner, D-Va., and the top Democrat on the Senate Intel Committee, said.

He warned that there could be no concessions without Ukraine’s involvement, Russia’s withdrawal from Ukrainian territory and ‘enforceable guarantees’ for Ukraine’s security.

‘Anything less would be an invitation for further aggression from Moscow and every autocrat watching to see if the United States still has the backbone to defend the principles that have kept Americans safe since the Second World War,’ he said.  

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., accused Trump of previously ‘playing footsie’ with Putin, but noted that it appeared that the president’s disposition toward his Russian counterpart had shifted.

He added that last year, House Democrats and Republicans worked together to pass another military aid package for Ukraine, and likened it to a ‘Churchill or Chamberlain moment.’

‘We are either going to appease the dictator or we’re going to aggressively oppose the dictator,’ Jeffries said. ‘And as we saw with Chamberlain, appeasing the dictator never works.’

Trump himself sought to set expectations for the summit, telling Fox News Radio earlier this week that there would be a 25% chance that the meeting would end in failure.

And aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that he wanted to ‘see a ceasefire rapidly.’

‘I don’t know if it’s going to be today, but I’m not going to be happy if it’s not today,’ he said. ‘Everyone said it can’t be today, but I’m just saying I want the killing to stop.’

The Trump administration has threatened to slap secondary tariffs on India, a major buyer of Russian oil, if the meeting did not go well. That comes after Trump gave Putin a 50-day deadline to reach a ceasefire agreement, which the president recently shortened to ’10 or 12′ days.

Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Intelligence Committee, told reporters that ‘people have been willing to give the White House and the president the benefit of the doubt.’

‘But if he doesn’t produce anything at this summit, after drawing red line after red line … there will be growing concern and a growing pressure to try and get something done,’ the New Hampshire Democrat said.

One area where many lawmakers in the upper chamber agree is the necessity for a sanctions package against Russia. Currently, Sens. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., have a bill in the works that would slap up to 500% tariffs on countries buying energy products from Moscow.

Blumenthal told MSNBC earlier this week if Trump stood firm and insisted on a ceasefire, Putin come to the table with European leaders and secure security guarantees ‘he has the makings of a potential agreement that could win him the Nobel Peace Prize.’

‘But my fear is that he will be the mercurial Donald Trump who allowed the deadline for sanctions to pass last Friday without any imposition of new levies on Russia, and that he will fail to adhere to those principles adopted yesterday by the European countries in their meeting,’ he said. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Saturday he will travel to Washington, D.C. on Monday to meet with President Donald Trump.

Zelenskyy’s announcement comes a day after Trump met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska on Friday to negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine.

‘On Monday, I will meet with President Trump in Washington, D.C., to discuss all of the details regarding ending the killing and the war. I am grateful for the invitation,’ Zelenskyy wrote on X.

This is a breaking news story. Check back for updates.

As President Donald Trump greeted Russian President Vladimir Putin on the tarmac at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, a B-2 stealth bomber soared overhead, flanked by four F-35 jets. 

Putin looked up at the sky as the planes buzzed overhead while he walked alongside Trump, and then made a comment to the U.S. president. 

The display was as much a symbol as it was a show of force—a pointed reminder of America’s military reach at the very moment the two leaders prepared to discuss the future of global security.

The dramatic arrival underscored the high-stakes nature of the Alaska summit, the first face-to-face meeting between Trump and Putin since Trump’s return to the White House earlier this year. Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, situated just outside Anchorage, was chosen for its robust security, strategic location, and symbolic position—physically closer to Russia than Washington, D.C., yet firmly on American soil.

Onlookers in Anchorage and across social media quickly seized on the moment. Many called it an ‘insane flex,’ noting the B-2 bomber’s recent combat history.

Only two months ago, the stealth aircraft played a central role in U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, dropping bunker-buster bombs in a move that drew both praise and condemnation on the world stage.

The B-2 Spirit, built by Northrop Grumman, is one of the most advanced aircraft ever created—capable of penetrating dense air defenses and striking targets anywhere in the world without refueling. Its distinctive flying-wing design and radar-absorbent coating make it nearly invisible to enemy radar. 

With a range of over 6,000 nautical miles and the ability to carry both conventional and nuclear weapons, the B-2 serves as a critical component of America’s nuclear triad. Only 21 were ever built, and fewer than 20 remain in service, making any public appearance a rare and deliberate statement.

‘Absolutely incredible,’ wrote one X user. Another added, ‘Putin now knows what will be greeting him if he were to ever cross that line that should never be crossed.’

After the brief tarmac ceremony, Putin entered ‘The Beast’ alongside Trump. The heavily armored presidential limousine rolled past a row of American fighter jets lined up in silent formation, their presence another visual reminder of the stakes surrounding the talks.

The two leaders traveled to a secure meeting hall on the base, beginning discussions at about 3:30 p.m. Eastern Time. Trump has said he plans to ‘set the table’ during the meeting for a future summit that includes Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. But still, he told Fox News’ Bret Baier he ‘won’t be happy’ if Putin does not agree to a ceasefire in Ukraine. 

Russian President Vladimir Putin said he agreed with Donald Trump’s claim that the war in Ukraine would not have ever even begun if he had not lost the 2020 election and was serving as president when the carnage began, instead of former President Joe Biden.  

‘I can confirm that,’ Putin said at the tail-end of a press conferece that took place Friday evening after the pair met for a summit at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska. 

Trump made the assertion multiple times on the campaign trail, and continued saying it after he took back the White House. Trump has faced pushback on the claim, as well as on claims that Ukraine instigated the war’s inception and the Biden administration failed to do things that could have thwarted it from beginning in the first place.

‘I’d like to add one more thing,’ Putin said, as the two heads of state provided remarks to the press, according to a translation of the Russian president’s address. ‘I’d like to remind you that in 2022, during the last contact with a previous administration, I tried to convince my previous American colleague that the situation should not be brought to a point of no return when it would come to hostilities and I said it quite directly back then that it’s a big mistake. Today, when President Trump is saying that if he was the president back then there would be no war – I am quite sure that it would indeed be so. I can confirm that.’

Earlier in his address, Putin lamented that bilateral relations between the U.S. and Russia, prior to Trump, had ‘fallen to the lowest point since the Cold War,’ and highlighted the fact that there have been no summits between the U.S. and Russia over the last four years.

‘That’s not benefiting our counties and the world as a whole,’ Putin said, adding that it was ‘apparent that sooner or later [U.S. and Russia] had to amend the situation to move on from the confrontation to dialogue.’

Meanwhile, Putin praised Trump for ‘his strive to get to the crux of the matter and to understand this history,’ referring to the backstory surrounding the war. He called the commitment ‘precious.’ 

The Russian president also remarked during his address that he hopes this new chapter of foreign diplomacy under Trump will ‘help us rebuild and foster mutually beneficial and equal ties at this new stage, even during the hardest conditions.’

‘Overall, me and President Trump have built a very good business-like and trustworthy contact, and have every reason to believe that moving down this path we can come to the end of the conflict in Ukraine,’ Putin said Friday. 

The optics of Trump’s meeting with Putin were slammed by critics, who compared the scene Friday to when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met with Trump at the White House. 

The infamous meeting saw Zelenskyy publicly argue back-and-forth with Trump and other top leaders in the administration, as President Trump criticized the Ukrainian president for his approach to ending the war.

‘Biden could’ve stopped it, Zelenskyy could’ve stopped it, and Putin should’ve never started it,’ Trump said in April about the war in Ukraine.

It was a made-for-TV moment: The two leaders met on the tarmac at Joint Base Elmendorf–Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska, Air Force One and two F-35 fighters in the background. As they walked together, overhead came the roar of those F-35s, followed by the low, almost ghostly sweep of a B-2 stealth bomber — a display of U.S. airpower as much as a nod to the Cold War history between the nations.

Hours later, after their closed-door discussions, President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin appeared again — this time on a raised stage, each behind a podium, U.S. and Russian flags flanking both sides, with a blue backdrop behind them that read ‘Pursuing Peace.’ It was the first U.S.-hosted summit between American and Russian presidents on U.S. military soil.

Trump had spent days rehearsing via secure calls with European leaders and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, coordinating ‘red lines’ to take into the meeting: no territorial concessions to Russia, Ukraine in the room for all negotiations, and clear conditions for any sanctions relief. Yet, despite the military pomp and the careful stagecraft, what emerged from Alaska was not a deal, but a diplomatic pause — warm words, thin details, and the hard work still ahead.

Putin spoke first, describing the talks as ‘constructive and mutual respect.’ He recalled moments in history when the U.S. and Russia ‘worked together’ and said he sought a ‘long-term settlement.’ He acknowledged Russia’s ‘legitimate concerns’ and said it was ‘very important for our countries to turn the page.’ He described a ‘trustworthy tone’ in the conversation and praised Trump for having ‘a good idea of what he wants.’ In a line clearly aimed at the cameras back home, Putin claimed Trump told him that if he had been president earlier, ‘there would not have been war,’ and confirmed that he believed it was true.

Trump followed, also taking no questions. ‘We had productive meetings,’ he said. ‘Big agreements. No deal until there is a deal.’ He promised to call ‘NATO,’ to ‘call Zelenskyy,’ and declared, ‘We really made great progress today.’ He reminded the audience of his ‘fantastic relationship with Putin’ and judged there was ‘a good chance of getting there,’ even if ‘we’re not there yet.’ Most importantly, Trump said, ‘We need to stop thousands of people being killed every week.’

For all the positive tone, the substance was modest. Putin left Alaska dangling the prospect of a ceasefire — but with strings attached. We know from prior statements that he wants the U.S. to lift certain sanctions and drop tariff threats aimed at countries like India that buy Russian energy. He intends to keep control of two eastern Ukrainian provinces seized in 2022. Likely, Trump did not concede those points, but evidently they agreed to a follow-on meeting ‘soon.’ 

While the flags fluttered in Anchorage, the war did not stop. Russian forces pressed forward modestly near Dobropillia in Donetsk region, testing Ukrainian defenses in what looks like an attempt to improve their tactical position before any pause. Ukraine rushed reinforcements, stabilizing the line for now, but fighting remains intense.

Russia’s long-range bombardment shows no sign of abating. In July alone, Moscow launched more than 70 cruise missiles and thousands of Iranian-made Shahed drones at Ukrainian targets. Ukraine has answered with deep strikes — including a hit on a Russian oil refinery and the bombing of a cargo ship carrying drone parts in the Caspian Sea. Neither side is behaving as if the war’s end is imminent.

That’s why any ceasefire talk must be backed by ironclad verification: neutral observers on the ground, satellite surveillance, clearly mapped lines, and automatic ‘snap-back’ sanctions for violations. Without that, Moscow will have every incentive to rearm under the cover of diplomacy.

If nothing else, Alaska revealed the bottom lines.

For Putin, it’s about locking in territorial gains and relieving the economic pressure eroding his war machine. Rolling back sanctions on countries that help him skirt restrictions would boost his revenues and signal to others that U.S. economic warfare is negotiable.

For Trump, it’s about testing whether Putin can be moved toward de-escalation without sacrificing U.S. credibility. Involving Zelenskyy keeps Ukraine’s fate from being decided in absentia, and reaffirming NATO’s support reassures allies.

For Ukraine, it’s a double-edged sword. A follow-on meeting offers a diplomatic opening, but Putin’s explicit territorial demands remain a political, legal, and moral red line.

Washington must resist trading sanctions relief for vague promises. The sanctions regime is one of the few levers that works, and any easing must be tied to measurable, sustained compliance verified by independent intelligence as well as neutral monitors.

Putin leaves Alaska with the optics of being a willing negotiator — useful for his domestic image — but no immediate relief on sanctions or Western recognition of his land grabs. Expect him to probe Western unity with limited escalations in the next two weeks.

Kyiv has a brief window to reinforce its defenses and prepare a clear case for the next meeting: explicit security guarantees, timetables for arms deliveries, and a non-negotiable stance on sovereignty.

Allied capitals can point to a small win: the U.S. did not cut a side deal. But they must be ready to step up enforcement and fill any gaps if U.S. resolve wavers.

Beijing will study Alaska closely. If the West blinks on sanctions enforcement, it could embolden Chinese adventurism in the Pacific. A unified Western stand would send the opposite message.

If the U.S. wants these ceasefire talks to go anywhere, three steps are essential:

1. Lock in Enforcement MechanismsBuild a monitoring framework that combines neutral observers, allied intelligence, and technological oversight. Make violations costly and automatic to deter cheating.
2. Keep Ukraine at the Center‘No decision about Ukraine without Ukraine’ must remain non-negotiable. Zelensky needs a real voice and veto over any territorial terms.
3. Use Sanctions as Leverage, Not CurrencyAny relief should be phased, conditional, and reversible. Sanctions should be the reward for sustained compliance, not an upfront concession.

The Alaska summit was not the breakthrough some hoped for, but it wasn’t a failure, either. It gave both sides a clearer picture of the negotiating terrain and bought time for positioning. But time favors the side that uses it best.

For the United States, that means holding firm on sanctions, bolstering Ukraine’s defenses, and treating any ceasefire as the start of a rigorous verification process, not the war’s conclusion. For Ukraine, it means preparing for two divergent paths: meaningful diplomacy or intensified conflict. For Russia, it means deciding whether continued war is worth the mounting cost when the West refuses to pay in land.

If Alaska was merely a pause, the next meeting will decide whether it becomes a bridge to peace — or a bridge to nowhere.